Internal Analysis of the NBA Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Internal Analysis of the NBA - Assignment Example These are some of the questions that the paper will attempt to answer. The best approach to internal analysis of NBA will be discussed. The approach will assist in the analyzing the strengths and weaknesses of NBA. The paper will begin by analyzing the capabilities and resources NBA had before the 2010-2011 season; the analysis will be from a case study done by Coulter. The capabilities and resources in the 2010-2011 seasons will be analyzed. The best approach to internal analysis of NBA will be discussed. Resources and Capabilities NBA Has As Of the 2010-2011 Season The Resources and Capabilities before the 2010-2011 Season (The Case Study) The National Basketball Association (NBA) has undergone tremendous changes from a domestic sport to an international commercial sport and this indicates a major understanding of the resources and capabilities. All the success and efforts are attributed to the NBA commissioner David Stern who has helped NBA become a global brand. Professional bask etball began in the mid-1990s and NBA gained the international game appeal. There are key players in the NBA who have sparked international interest. These players include Yao Ming of China, Dallas Mavericks’ Dirk Nowitzi of Germany, Pau Gasol of Spain, and Tony Parker of France, Denver Nuggets of Brazil, Gordan Giricek of Croatia and Darko Milicic of Serbia. All the mentioned are international basketball players. It is estimated that out of all the players in the NBA, 64 players come out of the United States territory. Other than the international players, NBA has taken its games globally. The NBA league has held several preseason games in the Latin America, Asia and Europe. Among the major plans by the commissioner of NBA was creation of multiple teams in the European region before the end of the 2000 decade. The NBA league has faced challenges like the retirement of Michael Jordan and the cancellation of almost a third of the league games in the mid-1990s. The challenges a lmost crashed the NBA league. Stern, the commissioner of NBA addressed the issues by looking at what the NBA had top offer, that is the resources and capabilities. He found that NBA could offer consumer awareness of basketball both domestically and internationally, several young talented players and renowned image and a track record (Coulter 132). Among the things that Stern did were: Expand the NBA offices network globally. The reason was to gain the NBA popularity, make it visible to the consumers around the world, sell a vast amount of track records and make several tours occasionally. Enhance the image of the NBA league on the Internet through its web site. It is estimated that about 40 percent of the people who visit the NBA website come from the rest of the world; that is outside the United States (Coulter 133). The Resources and Capabilities in the 2010-2011 Season The External Environment Globalization NBA has utilized the television and commerce to popularize the game globa lly and its influence in the world has been fuelled by marketing and television. The television has allowed NBA to reach many people around the world; it is estimated that NBA league is watched in 212 countries and in 42 different languages. The estimated number of people watching NBA league through the television is said to be over 750 million people. The foreign players in the NBA league are estimated to be around 80 of the 430 positions in the NBA team. This shows how NBA has its touch on the

Cultural Diversity and Diverse Sacred Spaces Assignment

Cultural Diversity and Diverse Sacred Spaces - Assignment Example These are all sacred places with spiritual significance to their believers, although their exact functions and related rituals somewhat vary for each religion.The Ka’ba in Mecca, the Wailing Wall, and the Bodhi Tree are the holiest sites because of what they represent to the history of these religions. The Wailing Wall, also called the Western Wall, is the holiest site for Judaism because it is the last remaining wall of the Second Temple. The First Temple refers to Solomon's Temple. This temple, however, was destroyed by the Babylonians in 586 BCE. The Jews rebuilt the Temple, which the Romans destroyed in 70 CE. For several centuries, the Jews went to the Wailing Wall to cry over the destruction of their Second Temple. The Ka’ba is the holiest place for Islam. It is the heart of their hajj, or spiritual pilgrimage, and is located inside the Grand Mosque in Mecca. Muslims believe in the centrality of the Ka’ba as a sacred place of their faith – it is the space inside it, rather than Mecca itself, which is seen as consecrated (Morgan, 2010). Many Muslims think that Adam had built the original Ka’ba but it then was ruined by the Great Flood (Morgan, 2010). The Bodhi Tree is also the holiest place for Buddhists because it is the tree where Buddha attained enlightenment (Harvey, 1990). The original Bodhi tree and its progeny are treated as relics because they symbolize Buddha’s enlightenment (Harvey, 1990). Enlightenment, or being awakened, is also called the wisdom of emptiness. It means that individual existence is not possible since everything is interconnected (Harvey, 1990). The importance of enlightenment to Buddhism portrays the role of the Bodhi Tree in the attainment of this process. The Ka’ba and the Bodhi Tree have mystical origins that the Wailing Wall does not possess. The Ka’ba contains the sacred black stone that Abraham and Ishmael placed there (Morgan, 2010). Pre-Islamic worship believes that the stones of the Ka’ba came from heaven (Morgan, 2010). The Bodhi Tree has miraculous qualities. It is believed to be cut before and to have grown again miraculously the next night (Harvey, 1990). The Wailing Wall does not have any mythical source because it is a man-made creation. Its importance lies in its historical and social functions. These sacred places are centers of prayer or spiritual meditation, although they also serve social purposes. The Wailing Wall enhances the attachment of the people to their Jewish history and identity. It signifies their â€Å"displaced sense of persecution and religious compensation† (Heyd, 1999, p.22). The Western Wall acts as a place of prayer and community activities. The Jews have commonly inserted prayers into the wall cracks because of the belief that they will come true. The custom of inserting written prayers into the wall is so extensive that some American-Jewish newspapers take advertisements of services of putting in s uch prayers for sick Jews. Moreover, Jewish families often gather near the wall to celebrate social events, such as their children’s bar mitzvah, which is a party for boys who turned thirteen. The Ka’ba and the Bodhi Tree are distinct places of worship. Muslims and Buddhists go to these places as part of their pilgrimage. People go there to pray, to assert their faith, and to strengthen their religious communities. Like the Wailing Wall, these sacred sites reinforce the connection between believers and their relationship to their faith. Similar rituals are conducted around the Ka’

The Reasons of United States Participation in the War of 1812 Research Paper

The Reasons of United States Participation in the War of 1812 - Research Paper Example At that time, the US was providing France with most of the goods that she needed along the way. Using the power of her navy, Great Britain blocked all ways by which the trade happened between the French coasts and the Caribbean and the US Atlantic coasts. The only vessels that were allowed to pass unimpeded to the US were those that had passed through one of the ports of Great Britain. This raises many questions like; Why did the US enter into a war with Great Britain despite conducting trade with it? What were the economic interests of the US to enter the war? And how popular was the war among the Americans? To address these questions, this paper will; first, discuss some of the consequences of the American Revolution and personal interests of the Americans, the Amerindians, and the British whose conflicts contributed to the commencement of the War of 1812; second, explain the strategies used by the Great Britain to restrict the export of the American goods to France that provided t he US with an objective reason to start the war in national defence and explains that the firm support of the native Indian uprisings in the western territories of the US as well as in the continental US for the British government in Canada was a huge concern for the Americans, and third, briefly discusses the results of the war and the advantages and disadvantages of the participation of the Americans in the war. The advantages described there also highlight some of the potential reasons for the participation of the US in the War of 1812. II. Body The Revolutionary War was brought to an end as the Treaty of Paris was signed in the year 1783. As a result of the Revolutionary War, the US was established among the world’s nations. However, the Treaty of Paris neither provided any guarantee for the survival of the new nation nor guaranteed that the European powers would always respect the rights of the new nation. In order to be in the position to freely carry out the trade with all countries across the globe, the government of the US strived hard to strike a balance between diplomacy and preparedness of the military. From the year 1793 to the year 1815, Great Britain and France saw a period of prolonged wars that instigated the French Revolution, and immensely complicated the tendency of the US to safeguard the rights of sailors and shipping. In addition to that, a significant population of the Americans along the western frontier of the nation believed that the Indian raids were encouraged by the British in Canada on their settlements. After the American Revolution, not everyone was satisfied with the way the land had been divided. The British and the Canadian merchants were both displeased over the loss of the Ohio River valley that encapsulated numerous routes through which trade could be conducted. Also, a large Amerindian population dwelled in the Ohio River valley, a major part of which had sided with the British during the American Revolution, and were by then willing to have an Indian state created toward the Lake Erie’s south and west. The idea was warmly welcomed by the British because it served numerous interests of the British. For one, this would facilitate the fur trade.  Ã‚  

Marble Chip Investigation Essay Example for Free

Marble Chip Investigation Essay Fair Test To make it a fair test and make my results more accurate I will try and keep all variables constant except the concentration of the acid. This will include weighing the marble chips every time and trying to use lumps of roughly the same size to keep the surface area fairly constant as a change in surface area will affect the rate of reaction. I will try and avoid a change in temperature and I will use the same equipment throughout the tests. Each concentration will be repeated at least once to improve accuracy as an average can be taken. Research The rate of reaction depends upon two factors, the number of collisions within a time between the reactants, and the fraction of these collisions that are successful. Therefore, the higher the concentration of the reactants, the higher the rate of reaction because there will be an increased number of collisions, this is called collision theory. However, for the reaction between the two reactants to be successful, they must collide with enough energy to react, the energy needed to react is known as  activation energy. This can be shown on a graph like the one below, I believe this graph is similar to what the energy diagram would be for my investigation. This shows that my chemical reaction will be exothermic, therefore it will release more energy than it uses to react. Therefore, at a higher concentration, there will be more reactions releasing energy in the form of heat that will enable more particles to reach their activation energy level and react. This shows that the rate of reaction will increase with the concentration of acid. Prediction After having done some research I feel that I can make an education prediction concerning what will happen during my investigation. I predict that the higher the concentration of acid I use, the faster the rate of reaction will be. I think this because the higher the concentration is, the more acid particles there will be to collide with the marble chip with enough energy to cause a reaction as explained in collision theory. I also believe that the rate of reaction will increase with concentration of acid because the chemical reaction I am doing is an exothermic reaction. Therefore, it will release energy as the reactions take place, this will give more energy to other particles around it and will cause the reaction to speed up as more particles reach their activation energy and collide with enough energy to react. Preliminary test results I started with 10g of marble chip and 100cm3 of 2M acid, the reaction was too fast and could not be accurately measured. I then tried 3g of marble chip with the same amount of 2M acid (100cm3), this worked fine, however, when the 0.4M concentration was tested the reaction was too slow and could not be accurately measured due to our scale. I then tried 6g of marble chip and it gave 135 cm3 of CO2 with the 2M concentration and 5 cm3 of CO2 with the 0.4M concentration. I felt that this would give us a good range of results so I  stuck with those measurements based on my preliminary tests. Observations When we had done our experiment we realised that we could benefit from some tests with other concentrations of acid to increase accuracy. Therefore we decided to do tests with 1.8M, 1.4M, 1M, 0.6M and 0.2M acid. However, when we did these tests they produced a much higher volume of carbon  dioxide than we would expect from our previous results. I came to the conclusion that this would have to be down to a change in one of the variables. Looking at the variables it was possible that it could have been temperature or surface area of the marble chips that caused the change, but as there had not been any large change in these variables it was unlikely that they would have such a clear affect on the results. After doing a few tests I found that it was the acid that I was using that had affected the results, I had started on a new batch of acid as the previous bottle had run out. Even though both batches of acid were labelled as being 2M, it was clear that one was stronger than the other and therefore increased the rate of reaction as the chance of acid particles colliding with the marble chip had been increased as there were more acid particles. Due to this, I plotted there results as a separate line, however, the results still show the same pattern and are therefore still useful in concluding the relation between gas given off and the concentration of acid, as explained by collision theory. Conclusion As you can see on the graph, both lines go up in a smooth curve. This shows that there is a correlation between concentration of acid and the volume of gas given off. As the concentration of acid increases so does the volume of gas, therefore they are proportional. The gradient of the line gets steeper as the concentration increases, this means that there was a larger increase of gas produced between 1.6M and 2M, than there was between 0.4M and 0.8M, even though the increase in concentration of acid was 0.4M in both. The graph shows that at higher concentrations of acid, more carbon dioxide was produced but in the same amount of time. This shows that at higher concentrations, the rate of reaction must have been faster to produce more products in the same time period. This can be explained by collision theory and the ideas on activation energy that I explained in my research and prediction. In my prediction I said that more gas would be given off with a higher  concentration, these results show that I was correct. This is because due to collision theory, in a low concentration of acid the acid particles are spread far apart. This means that there is very little chance of acid particles colliding with the marble chip with enough energy to react. In a high concentration, the acid particles are closer together as there is more of them within the same volume. This means that there is a much higher chance of collision with the marble chip, and there is more energy due to the energy being produced by the reaction, which is exothermic, this causes the reaction to be faster. This can be seen in my results, the 2M acid gave an average of 134.75cm3 of carbon dioxide, where the 0.4M concentration only gave an average of 4cm3 of carbon dioxide. The rate of reaction is reduced by a decrease of particles within the same space. Evaluation Accuracy of results I feel that my experiment was accurate because the results made a smooth curve on my graph. I did have a problem with the 1.8M, 1.4M, 1M, 0.6M and 0.2M acid results, as the acid appeared to be stronger than it was labelled. However, I resolved this problem by plotting the results as a separate line on my graph and they still showed a very similar curve to the other one showing the same relation between concentration of acid and the volume of gas given off. This shows that it was probably just the concentration of the acid that caused the problem and not my execution of the experiment that caused the results to be slightly different than what was expected. I think that my results could have been better as there was some variation between my four results for each of 2M, 1.6M, 1.2M, 0.8M, and 0.4M. However I do not feel this problem is major as the variations were relatively small as is shown by the error margins drawn on my graph, but there is still room for improvement. Possible Improvements If I was to do this investigation again I would try and keep some of the variables constant that I had less control over. The investigation was carried out over a few days so the classroom temperature may have varied. This could have had a slight effect on the rate of reaction making my results less accurate. Although the marble chips were roughly the same size they werent all exactly the same shape. If I could find a way to make the marble chips all the same shape and size then the investigation would be fairer as the surface area of the marble chips would be constant. If I was to do this investigation again I would try and use only one batch of acid for the whole experiment because as I found out, the acid supplied isnt always exactly the strength that it says it is. I would also try to use a more accurate piece of equipment to measure the volume of gas produced, using a measuring cylinder did not provide the best accuracy that was open to me. I could have achieved a higher level of accuracy with a buret.

Identity of Women in Shelleys Frankenstein, Brontes Jane Eyre, and El

Identity of Women in Shelley's Frankenstein, Bronte's Jane Eyre, and Eliot's The Mill on the Floss George Eliot is quoted as stating: "A woman's hopes are woven of sunbeams; a shadow annihilates them" (Miner 473). To extend this notion, Jean Giraudoux in Tiger at the Gates, states "I have been a woman for fifty years, and I've never been able to discover precisely what it is I am" (474). These two statements are related to each other because they express, in large part, the dilemma facing Mary Shelley, Charlotte Brontà «, and George Eliot as they set out to write fictional manuscripts. Giraudoux may not be able to define "female" even though she herself is a woman, because a "shadow has annihilated" the hopes she might have had in achieving completeness as a human. Her femaleness has been stifled by culture and history and she is left wondering who and what she is. Shelley, Brontà «, and Eliot each deal with the complexity of female identity in their respective texts: Frankenstein, Jane Eyre, and The Mill on the Floss. All three novels parallel in respect to the image of mirrors, and the obvious implications of mirrors and their ability to reflect their observer. In Frankenstein, the monster looks into a pool and in relating the incident to Victor, says "when I became fully convinced that I was in reality the monster that I am, I was filled with the bitterest sensations of despondence and mortification" (76). Likewise, Jane Eyre views herself in a looking-glass and sees that her reflection is "colder and darker in that visionary hollow than in reality" (26). Eliot's Maggie Tulliver is so ashamed of herself that she refuses to look at who she is and inverts her mirror, thus proclaiming that her reflection, as she views it with... ...f men and ignorant societal beliefs quickly take over and stifle, leaving shells that age and yet are never able to define themselves. It has been almost a century and eighty years since Frankenstein was first published, and literature with similar themes continues to be written. I only hope we as a society have progressed enough in our thinking so as to prevent women as defining themselves through men--or as monsters. Works Cited Brontà «, Charlotte. Jane Eyre. Boston: St. Martin's, 1996. Eliot, George. The Mill on the Floss. New York: Signet, 1981. Miner, Margaret, and Hugh Rawson. The New International Dictionary of Quotations. 2nd ed. New York: Signet, 1993. 473-4. Shelley, Mary. Frankenstein. New York: Norton, 1996. Young, Arlene. "The Monster Within: The Alien Self in Jane Eyre and Frankenstein." Studies in the Novel 23 (1991): 325-337.

Otto Von Bismarck and Bismarckian Germany

The historical interpretation of Otto von Bismarck and Bismarckian Germany has undergone extensive transformation, as historians have had access to a wider variety of sources and evidence, and have held differing social and political presuppositions influencing their portrayal of the German unifier. The changing historical interpretations can be seen over time, as differing contexts and sources influence the portrayal, as early interpretations of Bismarck from the 1870s to the 1920s portrayed Bismarck as a man in charge and as a necessity for Germany to move forward.The interpretation of Bismarck continued to change throughout the 1930s and 40s as a result of Nazism and the collapse of the Third Reich, the interpretations shifted, and throughout the 1960s, 70s and 80s the interpretation of Bismarck has become more balanced, not significantly influenced by political desires, whilst still influenced by social context. Through the study of historical debate focussing between the 1880s a nd 1980s, the changing interpretations of Bismarck can be illuminated and assessed.Historiographical debate of Bismarck’s impact upon Germany began almost immediately following his rise to prominence, as the primary initial historiography within Germany demanded a â€Å"strong man†[1], â€Å"who would cut the Gordian knot of nationalistic aspirations†. [2] Thus, German historians and the public throughout the 1850s and 1860s desired Bismarck to be portrayed as a benefactor to the German society; however Bismarck was also criticised as being detrimental to the development of Germany. The differing interpretations of Bismarck throughout the 1980s were â€Å"between the kleindeutsche and gro? eutshe historians†. [3] As the kleindeutsche historians argued that the unification was a â€Å"natural birth†, the gro? deutshe viewed it as a â€Å"caesarean section†. [4] The kleindeutshe school of though was largely composed of nationalist historians H einrich von Sybel and Treitschke. Treitschke argued that the subjection of Germany was an inevitable price of unification[5], countering Mommsen’s critique arguing that â€Å"the injury done by the Bismarckian era is infinitely greater than its benefits†¦the subjugation of the German spirit was a misfortune which cannot be undone†. 6] The nationalist-liberal interpretation of Bismarck was reflected significantly in the publications of the late 19th Century historians as for these historians, â€Å"Bismarck became the man with the masterplan†[7], and thus following the unification in 1871 â€Å"there was a feeling of fulfilment amongst historians†¦the status quo had to be supported†. [8] The impact of the historian’s context is clearly shown as â€Å"early biographies by German historians also show us the extent to which the political Zeitgeist made them distort the picture of Bismarck†. 9] The sources available to the historians of the 1880s and 1890s also influenced their interpretation of Bismarck as â€Å"the documents were chosen by Bismarck himself†[10], which has been clearly shown to have impacted upon the writings of the German nationalist historian, Sybel, as Sybel’s writings were checked by Bismarck prior to publication. [11] Thus, as a result of the impact of sources and context, Sybel portrayed Bismarck as a good servant who did his duty to his nation. 12] The writings of the late 19th Century, 1871 to the early 20th Century 1910 were significantly influenced by the nationalist-liberal interpretation of the time and context. The German defeat in the First World War, in 1918 was expected to have created a revision in German historiography however, this was not the case[13], as the failures of WWI were averted and blamed on others through the â€Å"Stab in the back† ideology, the Bismarck myth did not become tainted.The roots of the myth of Bismarck were planted throughout the 1 920s as â€Å"German historians of the twenties and thirties were driven by the idea of giving their countrymen an unchallengeable hero in Bismarck†. [14] The struggles of the German nation following the defeat in WWI and the social and political revolution resulted in Germany needing Bismarck â€Å"to provide courage and orientation†, and thus the manufactured interpretation of Bismarck was one of guidance and success. 15] Publications throughout this time were limited; however the ability to understand Bismarck’s impact was extensively amplified as â€Å"new documents were released from the foreign office archives†. [16] Thus as a result of the flourish of foreign policy research, the 1920 interpretation of Bismarck’s foreign policy portrayed it as â€Å"an example of modesty and wisdom†. [17] The writings of Emil Ludwig, Geschichte eines Kampfers in 1928 substantiates this romantic and savour view of Bismarck, as â€Å"Bismarck’s life is portrayed as an ancient Greek drama with a Faustian hero†. [18]The historiography surrounding Bismarck was significantly altered following the collapse of the Weimar Republic and the subsequent rise of the Nazis, as the Nazi regime constantly utilised Bismarck to justify themselves. They â€Å"found willing executioners in historians like Marcks to interpret their value-system in Bismarckian terms†. [19] The Nazis manipulated Bismarck and Bismarck’s historical legacy to benefit them as â€Å"on the ‘Day of Potsdam’, where he (Hitler) glowingly praised his predecessor’s work which had, in his view, started the ‘ascent’ of the German people†. 20] Hitler aimed at creating links with Bismarck to justify his expansionary foreign policy, such as the Anschluss in 1938, and to gain credit and popularity through association with Bismarck. The influence of the rise of Nazism upon historiography is highlighted by Wilhelm Momms en, originally a Republican[21], as he wrote Politische Geschichte von Bismarck bis zur Gegenwart 1850 – 1933, (1935), linking Bismarck to Hitler. Mommsen argued that â€Å"the first generation fulfilled the yearnings of the Germans and built the empire under Bismarck’s guidance,†¦. he second ossified†¦and the third grew up in the war and built a country that, though connected with Bismarck’s creation, also outgrew it in many ways†. [22] Mommsen argued for the Third Reich to have completed the structural complexities of society and industry that Bismarck had created. The writings of Bismarck became linked to Hitler as a result of the context in which historians wrote, firstly in one of persecution and censorship, however, German historians were not opponents of Hitler, and thus manipulated the history of Bismarck to benefit the Nazi Regime, of which they favoured. 23] Following the collapse of the Third Reich after the Second World War in 1945, â€Å"Bismarck, the creator of the nation, was bound to be seen differently†. [24] Friedrich Meinecke argued that historians should adopt entirely new perspectives regarding Germany’s past, â€Å"the staggering course of the First, and still more the Second World War no longer permits the question to be ignored whether the seeds of later evil were not already present in the Bismarckian Reich†. 25] Whilst there was a negative assessment of Bismarck’s role in the path of atrocities, German historians also â€Å"preferred to hark back to Bismarck’s greatness to show up the depth of failure among his successors†. [26] Due to the actions of Hitler and the Nazi state, the role of Bismarck was investigated as to how far he enabled the dictatorial powers and influenced the structures of war, which were experienced throughout Europe and as substantiated by Hans Hallmann, â€Å"the question for German historians after the Second World War was, theref ore: how should one write about Bismarck after Hitler? [27] The criticism was largely influenced by the context of which the historians were writing in, as the collapse of the Reich signalled a supposed failure in Bismarck, and questioned his success intentions, as â€Å"criticism of Bismarck centred rather unrealistically on the problem of deciding whether a German nation-state or a German-dominated Central Europe should have been created†[28]. A. J. P. Taylor’s, Bismarck: the man and the statesman written in 1955, typified post war historical thought, questioning the role of Bismarck in the collapse of democracy.Taylor contrasted the critical nature of Bismarck arguing for the general success of Bismarck. Taylor’s British context allowed him to keep â€Å"a healthy distance from the Bismarck myth†, which resulted in the influencing of many German historians[29], and thus enabled perspective. He argued for the understanding of Bismarck as a manipulator, due to his ability to avert problematic confrontations, as â€Å"on such occasions one can see not only Bismarck’s great intellectual gifts, but a manipulative emotional intelligence†. 30] Taylor utilised psychoanalysis of Bismarck to explain the factors impacting upon his policies, and as argued by Urbach was â€Å"especially effective in describing Bismarck’s youth†. [31] Through utilising a differing methodology of historical examination, Taylor received and portrayed a differing perspective of Bismarck and Bismarck’s role in Germany, portraying Bismarck as â€Å"a man who wanted peace for his country and helped to give Europe such peace for forty years†[32], whilst the majority of his countrymen would associate Bismarck with ‘iron, three wars and as the predecessor of Hitler’†. 33] The â€Å"revival of respect and even veneration for Bismarck†[34] was countered significantly in the â€Å"passionately partisan c riticism of Bismarck’s work†[35], Bismarck and German Empire (1963) of Erich Eyck. Eyck was typically a liberal historian, and thus opposed Bismarck, from â€Å"the standpoint of iustitia fundamentum regnorum†, arguing that justice should be the major foundation of governance, as Eyck wrote â€Å"in the tradition of the great liberal opponents of Bismarck†[36].Eyck argues that Bismarck was the â€Å"hero of violent genius†[37], through his 3 volume biography of which is greatly influenced by his liberal standpoint and historical context of persecution by Hitler, and his background as a lawyer as he â€Å"despised Bismarck’s lack of respect for the rule of law†. [38] Eyck continually criticised Bismarck’s detrimental impact upon liberalism within Germany and â€Å"passionately condemned Bismarck’s cynicism towards liberal, democratic and humanitarian ideals†[39], which he states to have â€Å"incapacitated the peop le†. 40][41] Bismarck and German Empire influenced the historiography of the Bismarckian topic among German and international historians, presenting â€Å"an interpretation neoconservative in nature†. [42] This criticism of Bismarck has influenced the German historian, Hans Rothfels, whom followed Eyck, arguing that â€Å"Eyck’s belief in a ‘liberal option’ for a united Germany was not justified, that no one but Bismarck could have united Germany†. [43] Fritz Fischer’s Germany's Aims in the First World War (1968) signalled the â€Å"first significant German historian to blame Germany for starting the war†[44].Fritz Fischer’s publication significantly demonized Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany, arguing for the path that Bismarck had essentially led the path to the German cause of the First World War. Fischer’s writings and interpretation of Bismarck largely contradicted the mainstream views of Bismarck and Bism arck’s Germany, and as substantiated by Feuchtwanger, â€Å"It contradicted much of the work done in Germany on the war guilt question and caused great controversy†[45].The controversial nature of Fischer’s publication resulted however in a flow of reassessments of his original publications, still maintaining the criticism of Bismarck and resulting in a â€Å"massive attack on Bismarck’s creation†. [46] The flow of secondary publications created a Fischer school of historical thought, which â€Å"stood on the political left and its opponents on the political right†[47].Through the publication of Fritz Fischer’s Germany's Aims in the First World War, the German historian utilized â€Å"political, economic, social and cultural evidence†[48], to persuade and research, thus creating a revision of historiography. The debate between Fischer and the right created significant disruption within the history fraternity, as â€Å"The left , who believed in critical social history, felt cheated because†¦the historical establishment strongly resisted their new and much more critical view of German history†. 49] The Fischer school of historical thought was extensively revised in the 1980s, of which Bruce Waller refers to as the ‘conservative 1980s’[50]. Edgar Feuchtwanger claims, â€Å"Revisionism provokes further revision†[51], as â€Å"German historians and the population in general began to view the past more reverently†[52]. The political complexities of the Bismarckian era influenced and resulted in a change of interpretations of Bismarck Bismarck’s Germany, as moves to the more political right occurred, and thus a return to a more approving view of Bismarck was undertaken.Through one of the most revered and respected historians on Bismarck, Otto Pflanze’s trilogy Bismarck and the Development of Germany (1963, but reprinted and reassessed in 1990), significant in grounds have been made to the overall historical value of the Bismarckian era. Bismarck’s assessment was, as argued by Kraehe, â€Å"taking into particular account the work of Helmut Bohme†[53], whom Pflanze critiques, â€Å"Bohme’s account of the relationship between economic and political forces in domestic politics during the period of unification also appears overstated†. 54] Pflanze argues against the typical liberal-nationalist interpretation arguing â€Å"the primacy of political and individual action†,[55] continuing against the nationalist sentiment of early German historians in arguing that â€Å"the war of 1866 was neither inevitable nor necessary†. [56] Pflanze significantly impacted upon historiography, contrasting the Fischer approach to German and Bismarckian history, although still remaining critical of Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany. Kraehe argues that to Pflanze, â€Å"Bismarck was always larger than life†[57 ], due to the immense coverage and detail provided in Pflanze’s trilogy.Pflanze uses differing concepts of investigation to outline the Bismarckian era, as outlined by Waller, â€Å"Pflanze uses psychological insight and works with Freudian concepts†. [58] Pflanze in essence portrays a structuralist interpretation of Bismarck’s unification and impact, arguing that Bismarck took taking advantage of certain opportunities, â€Å"Pflanze stresses Bismarck’s flexibility, his concern to keep options open†[59]. Pflanze’s changed views of Bismarckian historiography can be seen due to his â€Å"return to the sources†[60], and thus uses a â€Å"psychological history†[61], hich as Urbach concludes, enabled him to â€Å"analyse in detail†. [62] Pflanze openly argued for the structuralist interpretation of Bismarck, within the nature of Bismarck’s opportunism and manipulation of events, rather than intentionally staging events . [63] The 1980s biography Bismarck: The White Revolutionary, by Lothar Gall significantly impacted upon the historiography of Bismarck and Bismarck’s Germany, as Waller describes, â€Å"It is probably the most searching biography we have†. 64] Lothar Gall portrays Bismarck as a revolutionary, however conservative in nature. As highlighted by Bruce Waller, Gall wrote Bismarck: The White Revolutionary â€Å"to counter the school of historians whom the individual matters little†, and thus like Pflanze investigated the implications of an individual upon a society. Whilst, â€Å"unlike Pflanze, Gall did not uncover new sources† he utilised the analysis of existing Bismarckian sources to investigate the true impact of Bismarck upon 19th Century Germany. 65] Whilst Waller points out that â€Å"most historians, but not the majority of students, have now consigned the view of Bismarck as a reactionary to history’s dust bin†, Gall’s major inve stigation was to highlight the reactionary nature of Bismarck’s role as chancellor. [66] Gall’s 1980 biography was aiming to â€Å"describe the circumstances the chancellor faced and then to see the way he reacted to them†[67], and as highlighted by Urbach, â€Å"Gall wanted to show how Bismarck, when faced with developments he had not created himself, turned them to his advantage†. 68] Thus, due to Galls idealisation that Bismarck was a reactionary, he â€Å"portrayed him after 1871 as the Zauberlehrling (sorcerer’s apprentice)†[69], arguing that he had lost his magic touch, an argument that may have been â€Å"the most devastating criticism of the man yet†. [70] Thus Gall portrayed Bismarck as a chancellor that â€Å"was not the great genius who knew and guessed it all well in advance†[71], as â€Å"Gall argues that the iron chancellor conjured up powers – nationalism, liberalism, and economic modernisation – w hich spun out of control and that therefore what he achieved was not what he had striven for†. 72] Gall’s interpretation of Bismarck has been seen as largely critical, however still remains a significant German interpretation, countering the initial nationalist-liberal interpretations portraying Bismarck as totally in charge, whilst also countering the arguments that Bismarck’s planning was the leeway for Hitler’s ascendancy and dictatorship. In essence Gall identified Bismarck’s accomplishment as â€Å"imperfect and – to a point – unintended†. 73] As noted by Urbach, Bismarck himself hinted at his own imperfection, â€Å"one cannot possibly make history, although one can always learn from it how one should lead the political life of a great people in accordance with their development and their historical destiny†. [74] The Bismarckian historical debate was notably influenced by the writings of Ernst Engelberg, writing in the 1980s, and proposing an altered interpretation of Bismarck. Engelberg as a Marxist â€Å"interpreted the Reichsgrundung as a phase of social progress that helped the working class to develop from a national base†. 75][76] Whilst Waller argues that â€Å"Engelberg was a life-long communist and one of East Germany’s leading historians who in the past had insisted on strict Marxist history†[77], he argues that his biography of Bismarck is not fully weighted on Marxist ideology, â€Å"it additionally gives full weight to psychological and religious as well as to political and economic factors†. [78] Engelberg, like Gall, did not utilise his own research and discover new sources, as stated by Urbach, â€Å"Engelberg used much of the old research of Erich Marcks and A.O. Meyer†[79], however she continues by stating Engelberg â€Å"includes more analysis†. [80] Engelberg’s argument of Bismarck is similar, yet differing to Gall’s, as both historians â€Å"see Bismarck as someone who tried to control the current of the time and not as a creator†[81], and thus to some extent was critical of Bismarck’s power, however Engelberg also defended the power of Bismarck stating that â€Å"despite the machinations, Bismarck was far from acting like an adventurer†¦On the contrary his preparations†¦proved to be prudent†. 82][83] Waller states that Engelberg’s argument was influenced by â€Å"Prussianism†, highlighting Engelberg’s biography to be â€Å"Prussian to the extent of disparaging the attitudes and actions of other Germans, especially those who attempted to thwart Bismarck’s initiatives†. [84] Engelberg proposed a favourable interpretation of Bismarck in his 1980s biography, arguing that whilst his control was not always complete, his ability was.Engelberg critiqued the post war historiography arguing that Bismarck’s successors were â€Å"re sponsible for gambling away the inheritance†, and thus links made between Bismarck and the collapse of democracy were perverse. [85] The historical interpretations of Otto von Bismarck have undergone an extensive change, due to changing social and ideological contexts of historians that have assessed the chancellor and his impact upon Germany.The historical writings throughout time, from the early historians on Bismarck, such as Heinrich von Sybel, historians writing in the times of Nazism, and following the collapse of Nazism have all succeeded in assessing the personality and his impact, however were unable to emancipate themselves from their social and political contexts, and thus the interpretations of Bismarck have reflected these influences. 86] The most recent assessments of Bismarck have also significantly transformed the historiographical debate; however have successfully avoided being overly impacted upon by context, and thus present an emancipated history of Bismarc k and his impact upon Germany. The flourishing debate over the Bismarckian era will result in continual changing interpretations of the statesman; however the discovery of new sources and evidence highlights the sequential move towards the objective portrayal of Otto von Bismarck and Bismarckian Germany. Word Count: 3072. ———————– [1] Urbach, Karina, (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1143 [2] Ibid. , p. 1143. [3] Ibid. , p. 1144. [4] Jaspers, Karl, (1960). Freiheit und Wiedervereinigung. Munich. Pp. 42 [5] Heinrich v. Treitschke. (1867 – 97) Historische und politische Aufsatze. 4 volumes. Leipzig, (1874 – 79) Zehn Jahre deutscher Kampfre: Schriften zur Tagespolitik 1865 – 1879). 2 volumes. Berlin. [6] Kohn, Hans, (1961). The mind of Germany: educat ion of a nation. London. Pp 188 [7] Urbach, Karina, (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1144 [8] Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, (1976). Bismarck und der Imperialismus. Munich. Pp. 15 [9] Ibid. , p. 1144. [10] Seier, Helmut, â€Å"Heinrich v Sybel†, in Wehler, Deutsche Historiker. Pp. 144 [11] Ibid. , p. 144. [12] Urbach, Karina, (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1145. 13] There were only a few critical voices emerging. For example: Johannes Ziekursch, Politische Geschichte des neuen deutschen Kaiserreiches (3 volumes. Frankfurt. 1925 – 1930); Ulrich Noack, Bismarcks Friedenspolitik (Leipzig 1928). [14] Zmarzlik. Das Bismarckbild. Pp. 19. [15] Urbach, Kar ina, (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1148. [16] Ibid. , p. 1148. [17] Rothfels, Hans, (1924). Bismarck’s englische Bundnispolitik. Berlin. [18] Urbach, Karina, (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1149. [19] Ibid. , p. 1150 [20] Ibid. , p. 1150 [21] Meaning he was in favour of the Weimar Republic, which collapsed in 1933, resulting in Hitler’s ascendancy [22] Mommsen, Wilhelm, (1935). Politische Geschichte von Bismarck bis zur Gegenwart 1850 – 1933. Frankfurt. Pp. 252 [23] Urbach, Karina, (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in t he United Kingdom. 998 Cambridge University Press. , p. 1151. [24] Quoted from Gall, ed. , â€Å"Geschiechtsschreibung†, pp9 [25] Meinecke, Friedrich (1946). â€Å"Die deutsche Katastrophe: Betrachtungen und Erinnerungen†. Wiesbaden. Pp. 26. [26] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [27] Hallmann, Hans (1972). â€Å"Revision des Bismarckbildes : die Diskussion der deutschen Fachhistoriker 1945-1955†. Darmstadt [28] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 41. [29] Urbach, Karina (1998). Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1154 [30] Ibid. , p. 1154. [31] Ibid. , p. 1154. [32] Taylor interview with the Westdeutscher Reundfunk, 31 March 1965 [33] Ur bach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1154 [34] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†.History Review. March 1st. [35] Sturmer, Michael (1971). â€Å"Bismarck in Perspective†, Central European History 4. Vermont. [36] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [37] Footnotes 11 of Michael Sturmer [38] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1142 [39] Ibid. , p. 1142. [40] Quoted in Schoeps, Hans-Joachim (1964). â€Å"Unbewaltigte Geshichte: Stationen deutchen Schicksals seit 1793†. Berli n.Pp 108 [41] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp. 1142 [42] Sturmer, Michael (1971). â€Å"Bismarck in Perspective†, Central European History 4. Vermont. [43] Ibid. , p. 1143. [44] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. [45] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [46] Waller, Bruce (1998). Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 41. [47] Ibid. , p. 41. [48] Ibid. , p. 41. [49] Ibid. , p. 41. [50] Ibid. , p. 41. [51] Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2001) Imperial Germany 1850-1918. New York and London: Routledge [52] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarc k†. History Review March 1998 [53] Kraehe, Enno, (1990). ‘Review Article on Otto Pflanze’s Bismarck Trilogy’, Central European History, 23, 4. Emory University Press, Atlanta. , p. 369 [54] Pflanze, Otto, (1968). Another Crisis among German historians? Helmut Bohme’s Deutchlands Weg zur Grossmacht.Journal of Modern History 40. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. , p. 125. [55] Kraehe, Enno, (1990). ‘Review Article on Otto Pflanze’s Bismarck Trilogy’, Central European History, 23, 4. Emory University Press, Atlanta. , p. 369. [56] Ibid. , p. 369. [57] Ibid. , p. 369. [58] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. [59] Ibid. , p. 43. [60] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom . 998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1156 [61] Ibid. , p. 1156. [62] Ibid. , p. 1156. [63] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [64] Ibid. , p. 42. [65] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1157 [66] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review.March 1st. p. 42. [67] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1157 [68] Ibid. , p. 1157. [69] Ibid. , p. 1157. [70] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [71] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1157 [72] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [73] Ibid. , p. 42. [74] Bismarck’s statement of 1892, quoted in Pflanze. â€Å"Period of unification†. Pp. 16 [75] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cam Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [76] Quoted from Wolter, Heinz, (1983) Bismarcks Au? enpolitick, 1871-1881.East Berlin. Pp. 5 [77] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. History Review. March 1st. p. 42. [78] Ibid. , p. 42. [79] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [80] Ibid. , p. 1158 [81] Ibid. , p. 1158 [82] Ernst Engelberg, â€Å"Zur politischen Vorbereitung des Krieges†, in G. Seeber and K. Noack, eds. , Preu? en in der Geschichte nach 1789. (1983). East Berlin. Pp. 03 [83] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [84] Waller, Bruce (1998). â€Å"Bismarck: Bruce Waller looks at recent debate about modern Germany’s greatest statesman†. Histor y Review. March 1st. p. 42. [85] Urbach, Karina (1998). â€Å"Historiographical Review, Between Saviour and Villain: 100 years of Bismarck Biographies†. The Historical Journal. Printed in the United Kingdom. 1998 Cambridge University Press. Pp 1158 [86] Ibid. , p. 1160.

Zara International Case Study

Zara International was a retail shop originated in La Coruna, Spain in 1975. It was clothing and accessories shop and imitated the latest fashion trends and sold them at a lower cost. It became Zara International after entering Portugal in 1988 and then the United States and France in the 1990s. The distributor for this brand is Inditex and is considered the most successful retail chain in the world. Zara has a business strategy that is very different from the retailers nowadays.If a customer orders a product Zara’s distribution centers can have the items in the store within 24 to 48 hours of receiving the order, depending upon the country. The business plan that Zara’s executives made was very innovative and played a great part in the success of this retail chain. Not only has it been successful and profitable in the past, they are successful in the present and have been expanding their brand all over the world Zara International’s business strategy has elements of classical management approach.Classical Management approach has the assumption that people at work act in a rational manner that is primarily driven by economic concerns. This approach has three major branches: Scientific management, administrative principles and bureaucratic organization. Scientific Management Frederick W. Taylor used the concept of time study which is to analyze the motions and tasks required in any job and to develop the most efficient ways to perform them. His first principle was motion study which is the science of reducing a job or task to its basic physical motions.This concept was clearly evident in Zara International’s case. Time is the main factor that is considered by Zara International as opposed to production costs and advertisements. According to Schermerhorn (2010), â€Å"Parent company Inditex Group shortens the time from order to arrival by a complex system of just-in-time production and inventory reporting that keeps Zara ahead (p. 54)à ¢â‚¬  It is only possible if Zara has skilled workers and the required training to train these workers with the ability to send the product within 24 hours of receiving an order in the European store and 48 hours in American and Asian stores.This is evidence of using the principles two and three of Scientific Management. All this requires careful planning which is the fourth principle of scientific management. Administrative Principles: Henri Fayol’s administrative principles are also clearly seen in Zara International’s case. Zara had a foresight of what it was doing will create profit. It did not spend any money on advertising but instead on being efficient and on time on its production. With no advertising the company made a profit of $10 billion in sales which were overwhelming.The CEO of Inditex Pablo Isla seems to have great organization and leadership in gaining profit for the business. Zara international also applies a Behavioral Management approach in doing b usiness. According to Schermerhorn (2010), â€Å"The behavioral approaches maintain that people are social and self actualizing. † (p. 38) Instead of advertising their brand Zara makes sure that the interiors and exteriors of the stores are up to date and designed based on the location. They focus on what people are demanding and keeping in mind their social and cultural needs.It also keeps a close watch on the latest trends and the buying behavior of customers. Zara’s strategy of being successful consists of various factors. Zara has succeeded by doing business according to customer’s needs and buying behavior. Their different approach in production approach is another factor. They have created a very efficient link in between their management principles and social environment. Their use of complex systems of just in time production has played a major role in its success. Zara also has believed in cutting expenses wherever and whenever possible and has done tha t in an intelligent way.Their strategy of inventory control is also worth applauding. By using this distinctive thinking Zara has been successful amongst the fashion world. The latest trends in the competitive apparel industry are companies going digital. Reinvention of fashion runways and then use of social media in publicizing the latest fashion is a hot trend. Use of mobile devices such as smartphones and iPads for shopping for the convenience of customers is also a very hot trend. There are also virtual dressing rooms and interactive store windows that make shopping for apparel easier (Agathou, 2012. Zara has also started to come up with innovations to stay in the competition. Zara International has launched its online store in Mainland, China (Inditex to launch, 2012). Zara has also expanded its stores internationally by entering South Africa this year (Kew, 2012). Zara International will definitely continue to do well with the business strategy. However it will still have to a dapt to the changes in the global economy and plan their business strategies according to the customers and clientele. It will do well since it is expanding internationally and also adapting the latest technologies.Zara International has gained huge success by following the classical management approach and the behavioral management approach. Inditex has used a distinctive business strategy in their production and inventory control. Even in the competitive trends in apparel industry, Zara will survive in the competition if it continues to do business according to the clients’ needs and wants. BIBLIOGRAPHY (2012, September 4). Inditex to launch Zara’s online store in Mainland, China. www. fibre2fashion. com. Retrieved from http://www. fibre2fashion. com/news/apparel-news/newsdetails. spx? news_id=115305 Agathou, Amalia. (2012, June 30). 6 Hot Digital Trends transforming the fashion industry. Insider. Retrieved from http://thenextweb. com/insider/2012/06/30/6-hot-digital -trends-transforming-the-fashion-industry/ Kew, Janice. (2012, August 27). Zara Enters South Africa as Foreign Brands Seek Growth. Bloomsberg Businessweek. Retrieved from http://www. businessweek. com/news/2012-08-27/zara-enters-south-africa-as-foreign-brands-seek-growth Schermerhorn Jr. , John R. (2010). Management. Management Learning Past to Present. (pp. 31-56)